By Chris Limberis
WHEN PIMA COUNTY Supervisor--and gentleman--John Even died
in April 1997, Brenda Even gathered her family, including a baby
granddaughter, and marched downtown to claim his office.
In her seventh year on the Tucson Unified School District Board
and with well established Republican credentials, Brenda Even
made a show of her application for the District 4 job that her
husband performed with courage and grace despite his battle with
non-Hodgkin's lymphoma.
But 22 other people--professionals, has-beens (ex-state Sen.
Bill DeLong) and wannabes (Fred Ronstadt, who later won a Tucson
City Council seat)--also lined up for the District 4 job John
Even won handily in 1996. Only two excused themselves in deference
to Brenda Even: DeLong, a longtime friend; and Lee Davis, a friend
who was the surprising loser to Paul Marsh in the 1992 District
4 Republican primary.
But the supervisors appointed commercial real-estate salesman
Ray Carroll to fill the vacancy. And Brenda Even learned she was
not on the southside, where an inexperienced Carmen Cajero could
expect to fill the legislative seat vacated when her husband "Nayo"
died, and then hold the office, despite mediocre performance,
until she chose to retire.
No right of title exists in eastside county politics.
The supervisors were badly split over the District 4 appointment.
It was telling that John Even's chief aide, Barbara Huffstetler,
also sought the job. She got as close as Brenda Even. Separate
motions of nomination by second-term Supervisor Mike Boyd, a Republican,
for Even and Huffstetler failed for lack of seconds.
Tense jockeying worked to Carroll's advantage. A Republican convert
and favorite of three-term Democratic Supervisor Raul Grijalva,
Carroll squeaked by when Lori Godoshian, following state law that
gives clerks a rare appointment vote, broke the tie created when
Democrats Dan Eckstrom and Sharon Bronson dissented.
Publicly, Brenda Even went about her business and her duties
on the TUSD Board, which rivals that of the Amphitheater School
District as the worst in town. Privately, she was bitter. Bitter
toward supervisors and offended that anyone, including the press,
would question why she should be appointed.
Her campaign to oust Carroll for the final two years of John
Even's term, through 2000, began immediately.
APPOINTEES GENERALLY DON'T fare well on the Board of Supervisors
or Tucson City Council. The last one in District 4, Republican
Pat Lopez, was punted by Reg Morrison in 1984 after a short time
in office. Eckstrom has been the notable exception. He was appointed
in 1988 in southside District 2 when Sam Lena resigned to run
then-Gov. Rose Mofford's Tucson office.
Carroll likes the job. And now he's battling Even and Ken Marcus,
an accountant who also sought the appointment in 1997, in the
September 8 GOP primary election.
District 4 includes Tucson's eastside, the retirement community
of Green Valley, Mount Lemmon, and the developing valleys--Tanque
Verde and Rincon. It's been a Republican bastion since the Board
of Supervisors was expanded from three to five offices in 1972.
Only Republicans have represented District 4, where the GOP outnumbers
Democrats 47,463 to 35,035.
The job Even and Marcus want to take away from Carroll pays $52,000
a year, plus top-flight benefits and a taxpayer-provided vehicle.
Taxpayers also provide each supervisors with a staff of about
four that operates on an annual budget of roughly $225,000.
Here's a closer look at the candidates:
CARROLL
Raymond Carroll, 36, says he's shaped and guided by his "family
faith and upbringing. We are composites of our customs, habits
and beliefs.''
Born and raised on Chicago's southside, he's the fourth and youngest
of the Carroll kids, whose father was a Mayor Daley Democrat who
rose from a fleet-shop worker to deputy commissioner for fleet
management. Carroll's mother is a retired Cook County nurse.
A bit of a jock, Carroll was a linebacker and fullback for Morgan
Park High School, where he graduated in 1980. He also boxed at
a Chicago club and in Denver, where he graduated from Regis University,
a small Catholic school, in 1984.
It's with self-deprecating boxing stories that Carroll sometimes
breaks the ice at political forums and engagements.
He had to give up fighting, one of his stories goes, because
of injuries to his hands. The refs kept stepping on them.
Carroll majored in philosophy at Regis and dated his future wife,
Ann Touche of Tucson, during their senior year. He hit the road
for Phoenix when he graduated, and began selling cars for the
Culliver dealerships.
"It was hot but fun. The last car I sold was to myself,''
says Carroll, who took his savings to Tucson.
He worked at Employer Dental Plan and Casa de los Niños
before joining the commercial real-estate firm Grubb & Ellis,
where his career as an industrial agent lasted until his appointment
to the Board of Supervisors.
He had looked to government service before. He served on the
city housing appeals board. In 1994 he switched from the Democratic
Party to Republican. He was a rare Democrat in Tucson Country
Club Estates, where he and his wife and three kids live near his
in-laws. Carroll made the switch while considering making a run
for the Board of Supervisors in 1996. He ended up voting for John
Even.
A health scare also intervened. Carroll became sick with hepatitis
after he stepped out of a cab and into a puddle of contaminated
water while on a family trip to Mexico.
Carroll secured the District 4 appointment in June 1997 with
his pledges, particularly to Grijalva, that he would oppose the
5,238-acre Canoa Ranch development proposed for south of Green
Valley. He also pledged to support Grijalva's ideas for the reconfiguration
and management of the county's sprawling healthcare system.
Specifically, Carroll has voted to keep a citizens' committee
in charge of first-line oversight of the $233.7 million health
system, which includes Kino Community Hospital, Posada del Sol
nursing home, the county health department and the county's HMO.
He also has supported the health system's controversial CEO,
Dr. Richard Carmona.
On the Canoa Ranch development issue, Carroll has struck out
on his own to explore a buyout of the property, for which he's
proposing a possible western museum affiliated with the Smithsonian
Institution.
Carroll also earned his "green" Republican marks by
supporting a resolution that opposed a federal land swap that
would have allowed mining in the Santa Rita Mountains.
But for all the environmentalism he espouses, Carroll, his family
and his supporters have raked in big cash from developers, construction
interests and land speculators on his way to building the biggest--by
far--campaign treasury in the District 4 race. Carroll had $57,176
through the first reporting period ending May 31. He's raised
another $35,000 since. Even, in contrast, was struggling with
$28,190, while Marcus had $6,924 through May 31. The next finance
reports are due August 27.
The Carroll machine has been aggressive. Critics, including Marcus
and those in the Even camp, say Carroll went over the top with
his District 4 mailings at taxpayer expense. In the spring, Carroll
sent a constituent survey, complete with picture. He sent a follow-up
card recently. It also included a photo of the happy pol.
Carroll defends the survey and the follow-up, but concedes they
may have come a little late. Still, Carroll underspent his $225,112
supervisorial budget for the 1997-98 fiscal year that ended June
30 by more than $26,000.
There are times when Carroll seems apologetic, apparently for
an early brash manner that he knows won't fly in this current
special-election campaign. On the stump and in his literature,
Carroll says he's learned some hard lessons. One was that he shouldn't
have trashed Republican precinct committee reps last year when
some questioned his credentials and did their own trashing of
Carroll's top aide, Scott Egan.
Carroll also knows that he probably came on too strong a year
ago on perceived and real county ethical lapses. He was particularly
off target in an attack on Democrat Dan Eckstrom. But since then
he's learned he can work with Eckstrom, even though they've split
on two annual budget votes.
It's on the budget, set by the Democratic majority last week
at a record $747 million, that Carroll has been Mr. Republican.
He's worked to identify cuts and pushed for tax cuts, albeit minor
reductions.
EVEN
The other Illinois native in the District 4 race, Even received
degrees from the University of Illinois and Indiana University
before coming to Tucson more than 30 years ago.
Here she earned a master's degree in counseling and guidance
from the University of Arizona, as well as her doctorate in secondary
education and counseling from the UA. She has four grown children.
Even had a 14-year career at the UA as a guidance instructor,
administrator and assistant professor. She's also had a private
counseling and mediation practice and is a real-estate and business
investor.
Nearly always bright-eyed, Even, 59, can go from warm to ice-cold
at the sound of a question.
She can turn off even natural allies, as she did last month at
a gathering of elite real-estate professionals.
Like Marcus, Even has tried to portray Carroll as a Republican-come-lately
who doesn't merit support. Apparently, in her opinion, only she
has the experience necessary to do the job.
She was elected to the Tucson Unified School District Board in
1990, and she and her lawyer husband made up an education team.
He served on the Pima Community College Board, first as an appointee,
then as an elected member.
Brenda Even has never been one for much public disclosure. Early
in her first term, she was annoyed that the media protested her
secret meeting of the School Board held on a weekend at her Woodland
Avenue home. The TUSD Board also has been cited for violating
the state Open Meeting Law on more than one occasion, but the
Attorney General's Office has administered less than slaps on
the wrist.
Against weak competition, Even won a second School Board term
in 1994. But in that four-person fight for two seats, Even mustered
only 28.9 percent of the vote.
This summer, she has joined TUSD Board President Joel Ireland
and her key ally, Gloria Copeland, in rearranging administrations
at a number of schools. The moves, which in some cases violated
TUSD policy, have been viewed by critics as meddling. Reassignments
of assistant principals at Tucson High and Santa Rita High drew
fierce responses from parents and staff.
Even has attacked the county budget increase and the expected
tax increase (tax levies and rates will be set August 17). Last
month she voted yes, unsuccessfully, against TUSD's $330.9 million
budget, one that increased spending by 5 percent. Still, that
budget trimmed combined taxes slightly for homeowners in TUSD.
Even has dissented on some other TUSD budgets. But she's also
voted to jack up spending. Since she's been on the School Board,
the TUSD budget has skyrocketed to the current $330.9 million,
from $209.8 million in 1990-91. Tax rates have risen 51 percent.
Voters will find it difficult to know what Even will do if elected.
Name the issue and she'll promise to "look" at possible
solutions, "study" or "examine" them once
elected.
She has staked out a few positions, however. On transportation,
she emphasizes the need for grade-separated intersections on busy
corridors. And she has revived the idea of a Rillito-Pantano Parkway,
which voters thought was folly and crushed in 1984. And while
a Snyder Road bridge crossing Sabino Creek is mired in controversy,
Even suggests an extension of Sunrise Drive, also a contentious
proposal that helped ignite opposition to the 1986 transportation
plan, to be paid with a sales tax (which voters also killed).
On Canoa Ranch, Even has not revealed what she would do. But
since she and her supporters have long claimed that only she can
carry on the "legacy" established by her husband, she
might lean toward favoring it. John Even voted last year to support
Fairfield's first Canoa rezoning of 298 acres.
Brenda Even has ridiculed Carroll's western museum proposal for
the Canoa Ranch.
She has not supported the controversial reworking of the development
ordinances, which would further restrict use of property within
one mile of parks and preserves, and on hillsides.
Even's "look, study, examine" posture extends to subjects
she knows about--like healthcare. Surprisingly, she has not taken
positions on the county healthcare system. If elected, she wants
to study Kino, the healthcare commission and Dr. Carmona.
That strategy also includes law enforcement, a key issue in District
4. She says she wants to study just what it is each officer does.
MARCUS
The only thing missing from Ken Marcus is a pocket protector.
Hand him one and he'll probably use it and laugh along--with the
kind of laugh he gives when he tells Republican audiences that,
no, he's not related to Democratic City Councilwoman Janet Marcus.
He doesn't mind being a little nerdy. He's supposed to be. He's
an accountant.
The son of a furniture and dry-goods merchant, Marcus grew up
with a brother and sister in Nogales. The family business, started
by a grandfather, is now closed, but the Marcus family maintains
property there. His mother lives in Green Valley.
Drawn to ranch work, Marcus earned a bachelor's degree in dairy
science from the UA and worked in agricultural extension offices.
He received his MBA, also from the UA, in 1990.
Marcus first got into Republican politics during President Gerald
Ford's campaign, which included a stop in Nogales in 1976. Marcus
and his wife, Wendy, also have served in several Republican Party
positions. He and Wendy, who completed law school last year, have
two daughters.
In 1989 Marcus joined Cope Systems, acquired by Bell & Howell
a year and a half ago. He's the manager of finance for the company's
Tucson office, which is closing because of consolidation.
Marcus, too, sought the appointment to fill a year and a half
of John Even's term. His only support came from first-year Democrat
Sharon Bronson. This time around, Marcus paused briefly while
Republican state Sen. Keith Bee decided if he was going to run
for the supervisorial seat. When Bee opted to stay in state office,
Marcus kicked off his run.
Thoughtful and enamored of details that border on esoteric for
some voters, Marcus has echoed much of Bronson's attack on the
county healthcare system.
Marcus' calls for fiscal responsibility range from the big and
obvious--Kino's $27 million in bills--to the tiny, by county standards--$15,000
to pick up trash on Mount Lemmon.
His is a style, generally, of a good-guy accountant who may be
too good for crummy county politics. But he's allowed himself
to become bogged down with some of the campaign's petty issues.
He's allowed his campaign to take hits at Carroll's aide and friend,
Scott Egan.
Ever the detail man, Marcus appropriately titled, with the term
expiration, his nominating petitions, while Carroll and Even had
to scramble at the last moment and redo theirs. But Marcus then
sent out a press release that seemed to proclaim himself the victor.
And last week he wasted time trying to get the county to cite
Carroll for not putting the campaign committee notice on a mailer.
The required notice was there, though it was small and in an odd
spot.
On the meatier issue of Carroll's survey and follow-up card,
Marcus says the appointed incumbent "crossed the line.
"It all came after he announced he was running for election,"
Marcus says. "The franking privilege should have stopped
then."
With far less money than his opponents, Marcus is a sort of replay
of Paul Marsh, the under-funded, nerdy former Montgomery Wards
worker who walked long and hard, and door-to-door, to stun Lee
Davis and Reg Morrison in 1992. But unlike Marsh, Marcus actually
knows the details of county government.
Still, much of his campaign is retro. He faults Carroll and other
supervisors for a variety of things that are done deals. Including
some that were done before Carroll climbed aboard--Kino and its
debt, the Major League spring-training complex, county transportation
bonds.
He says Carroll has "abdicated'' his authority by giving
healthcare oversight to the unelected commission.
While he praises the taxpayer-financed Tucson Electric Park,
spring-training home to the Arizona Diamondbacks and the Chicago
White Sox, Marcus says the county should never have proceeded
with the $37-million complex.
"The county should not be in the baseball business,"
Marcus says. "The ballpark itself is a nice facility, but
it should have been built downtown (instead of on county property
west of Kino Hospital on East Ajo Way).
Marcus, in a position shared with Bronson, is still battling
the $350-million transportation bond issue voters approved in
November. Marcus favored a pay-as-you-go plan using the county's
increased share of state gas taxes known as Highway User Revenue
Funds (HURF).
"We've tied up our HURF funds for the next 20 years,"
Marcus complains.
Carroll, who calls himself the "poster boy" for the
transportation bonds, says the voter-approved debt was the way
to go because it enabled the county to get going faster and thus
take advantage of better interest rates, construction costs and
to more quickly grab right-of-way acquisition.
But Marcus counters that borrowing costs will eat up what could
have been poured in asphalt and says the build-out time for the
rival plans was only three years.
Marcus also opposes any mandatory set-aside for public art, now
at 1 percent of public construction projects. While he supports
public art, Marcus says he opposes giving the Tucson Pima Arts
Council $8 million, including 10 percent for administration.
With his current employer shutting down, Marcus says he knows
the county and the city must work harder and smarter to attract
quality jobs. He questions whether the county should be paying
for job-training programs run by outside agencies. And he wants
to create a high-tech zone like North Carolina's research triangle.
But he says the county must start by cutting property taxes,
now at about $5.20 per $100 of assessed valuation.
"That turns business off,'' Marcus says.
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